The 2009 incentive included down payments for several of Obama’s long-term political priorities, including educational reform, scientific research, infrastructure, and yes, green energy, which received a whopping $ 90 billion to create wind, solar, electric vehicle, and LED booms -Lighting.
The House of Representatives’ current bill takes a different approach and calls for modest increases in spending for a variety of federal agencies and services, but limits their main investment in longstanding democratic priorities to issues related to the current crisis. For example, Democrats pushed for dramatic unemployment insurance spending increases, paid sick leave and family vacation to help workers stuck at home during the pandemic, and a national voting system via email to help ensure the coronavirus does not prevent Americans from casting ballots they did not receive in November.
Aside from the money for fighting transit agencies and a $ 1 billion program to help rescued airlines replace high-pollution planes with more efficient ones, the house bill largely ignores climate hawk calls for a breakthrough deposit for a Green New Business.
Some Democrats, disgusted with the house law’s cat-and-dog approach, argue that if House spokeswoman Nancy Pelosi pushed for anything other than curbing the virus and helping families with money, she would to push for more transformative spending that would make Americans work again next year – such as a Marshall Plan to rebuild American infrastructure or a nationwide initiative to install solar panels on the roof.
“If you go to the Christmas tree and spend $ 2 trillion, why not make it big?” asked Kenneth Baer, the former communications director at Obama’s Budget Office.
Everyone in Washington knows that a crisis can be the best way to get some pet ideas going, and the Senate Republican proposal, which is only 247 pages long, involves some efforts to use the crisis to drive long-standing conservative priorities like language-limited help to healthcare providers who admit Medicaid patients, promote education about abstinence and lower taxes on certain capital gains. In the meantime, the Trump administration has used the crisis to try to tighten border restrictions, limit asylum applications, cancel union elections, and give the Department of Justice the power to indefinitely detain Americans in emergencies without trial. And since the final compromise in Congress contains part of the esoteric democratic wish list, Republicans who vote for it will have it to some extent.
But when the Capitol Hill negotiations exposed the GOP as the miserly party when it comes to helping workers and vulnerable families, and the more generous party when it comes to helping rescued companies avoid strict conditions, he added House bill stereotypes such as Democrats as a large government party take advantage of a pandemic to put taxpayers’ money in heating aid for the poor, runaway youth programs, and subsidies for underused airports in smaller towns. It wouldn’t be a democratic economic relief law without an additional billion dollars for Head Start, even if Head Start programs for the pandemic are closed.
In 2009, Republican ridicule about random projects funded by the Obama incentive – “Turtle Tunnel”, “Honeybee Insurance” and a drug addiction study that the GOP called “cocaine monkeys” – helped convince the public that she had nothing to do with jobs. although subsequent studies found that it helped save millions of jobs. McConnell is the master of this game, and the Democrats who thought they could win it more than a decade ago remember that they lost the house, the senate, and ultimately the White House.
“I don’t want to argue about the wish list of both sides,” says Bernstein. “I think politics are prohibitive and the urgency is to get money out of the door.”