Like death and taxes, it has long been a fact that Iowa and New Hampshire open both the Republican and Democratic presidential primaries.
The nightmarish hellscape that the Iowa gatherings were in the 2020 Democratic primary – the Iowa Democratic Party There were hardly any results on the night of the meetings due to technical problems – increased demands for an end to the Iowa reign be the first to choose state in the primary calendar.
But in a way, the thrust Bump Iowa and New Hampshire The Democrats have long picked up speed since the start of the primary process. Iowa and New Hampshire are two very white states – 85 to 90 percent The population of each state is not Hispanic-White – and in 2020 neither state did much to influence the nomination race for a party now about 40 percent don’t know. Now President Biden has won the Democratic primary despite graduation Fourth in the Iowa caucuses and Fifth in New Hampshire Elementary School.
However, growing opposition to the first Iowa and New Hampshire vote may not be enough to actually overturn it. Ultimately, contracting states and / or governments Decide on the timing their meetings or primaries. And while the national party can encourage these decision-makers to schedule their competitions on specific dates, it cannot unilaterally impose their will on the main calendar. Additionally, changes could be even more difficult for Democrats, as Republicans seem intent on keeping the two states in the best position for the 2024 campaign.
However, it is true that Iowa and New Hampshire are not representative of Democratic voters. We used data from 2016 as early as 2019 Cooperative congressional election study, a survey of more than 50,000 people conducted by YouGov in partnership with Harvard University to rearrange the Democrats’ main calendar based on the similarity of each state’s Democratic voters to the party’s national electoral base. We found that Iowa and New Hampshire were in the lower half of the states in terms of how they represented Democratic Party voters, so they would vote towards the end of the busy season. (This analysis uses data from the 2016 presidential election, but takes that into account how strongly correlated the 2016 and 2020 presidential competitions wereIt’s hard to imagine that the order would change The a lot if we had final 2020 dates that we don’t have.)
A main calendar that better reflects the Democratic Party
States how similar their 2016 Democratic electorate is to the U.S. Democratic electorate in terms of race, ethnicity, and voter education, with lower scores indicating similar similarity
Proportion of Democrats | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Status | Know, no graduation | White with a degree | black | Hispanic | every body else | Similarity assessment | |
US. | 39.7% | 23.5% | 20.4% | 8.9% | 7.4% | 0.000 | |
1 | Illinois | 37.0 | 23.7 | 22.1 | 8.9 | 8.3 | 0.033 |
2 | New Jersey | 34.5 | 27.4 | 22.0 | 8.2 | 7.9 | 0.067 |
3 | new York | 33.8 | 26.9 | 19.3 | 11.9 | 8.0 | 0.075 |
4th | Florida | 39.6 | 18.7 | 24.3 | 13.3 | 4.1 | 0.083 |
5 | Nevada | 44.0 | 19.4 | 15.0 | 11.2 | 10.4 | 0.089 |
6th | Pennsylvania | 47.4 | 25.9 | 18.0 | 3.2 | 5.5 | 0.104 |
7th | Missouri | 46.2 | 23.4 | 23.1 | 1.0 | 6.2 | 0.107 |
8th | Indiana | 48.3 | 21.2 | 21.9 | 2.4 | 6.2 | 0.112 |
9 | Delaware | 37.9 | 20.3 | 29.9 | 2.7 | 9.2 | 0.120 |
10 | Oklahoma | 47.3 | 20.6 | 17.0 | 1.6 | 13.4 | 0.130 |
11 | Michigan | 48.3 | 18.7 | 27.7 | 1.2 | 4.0 | 0.149 |
12th | Connecticut | 42.3 | 34.9 | 11.3 | 5.8 | 5.7 | 0.152 |
13th | Ohio | 53.8 | 20.2 | 20.7 | 1.6 | 3.7 | 0.167 |
14th | Virginia | 31.4 | 27.6 | 32.6 | 2.3 | 6.1 | 0.167 |
15th | Kansas | 45.8 | 35.2 | 12.4 | 2.5 | 4.1 | 0.171 |
16 | Arkansas | 47.1 | 15.0 | 30.5 | 0.1 | 7.4 | 0.175 |
17th | Arizona | 47.3 | 19.6 | 6.9 | 18.6 | 7.6 | 0.187 |
18th | Colorado | 39.1 | 35.8 | 5.1 | 11.6 | 8.3 | 0.199 |
19th | Massachusetts | 42.3 | 37.4 | 6.3 | 6.9 | 7.2 | 0,201 |
20th | North Carolina | 34.4 | 20.8 | 38.4 | 2.3 | 4.1 | 0.204 |
21 | California | 30.7 | 20.7 | 10.4 | 21.9 | 16.4 | 0.210 |
22nd | Tennessee | 50.7 | 14.3 | 32.2 | 0.7 | 2.1 | 0.210 |
23 | Oregon | 50.1 | 32.7 | 4.0 | 3.0 | 10.3 | 0.225 |
24 | Washington | 54.7 | 28.2 | 4.5 | 4.4 | 8.1 | 0.228 |
25th | Wisconsin | 57.7 | 26.5 | 7.8 | 2.0 | 6.1 | 0.233 |
26 | Texas | 25.5 | 18.4 | 21.2 | 28.0 | 6.8 | 0.243 |
27 | North Dakota | 59.0 | 28.1 | 9.1 | 0.0 | 3.7 | 0.249 |
28 | Nebraska | 60.1 | 25.4 | 6.4 | 1.7 | 6.3 | 0.259 |
29 | Rhode Island | 38.8 | 44.3 | 5.5 | 3.8 | 7.6 | 0.261 |
30th | Minnesota | 55.1 | 34.5 | 4.3 | 0.9 | 5.2 | 0.262 |
31 | New Mexico | 37.0 | 24.0 | 4.4 | 29.8 | 4.7 | 0.266 |
32 | Utah | 59.0 | 25.2 | 1.6 | 8.6 | 5.7 | 0.271 |
33 | Kentucky | 64.0 | 18.1 | 15.3 | 1.4 | 1.2 | 0.272 |
34 | N.H. | 50.1 | 40.7 | 1.0 | 2.8 | 5.5 | 0.286 |
35 | Maryland | 22.2 | 22.9 | 42.8 | 2.0 | 10.1 | 0.293 |
36 | Wyoming | 55.4 | 37.3 | 0.0 | 3.5 | 3.8 | 0.300 |
37 | Idaho | 59.2 | 33.1 | 0.0 | 5.7 | 2.0 | 0.305 |
38 | South Dakota | 49.6 | 42.3 | 0.0 | 0.0 | 8.1 | 0.308 |
39 | Vermont | 60.1 | 33.5 | 0.0 | 2.1 | 4.3 | 0.315 |
40 | West Virginia | 66.3 | 25.9 | 5.8 | 0.0 | 2.0 | 0.322 |
41 | Montana | 53.5 | 44.6 | 0.0 | 0.0 | 2.0 | 0.341 |
42 | Iowa | 69.5 | 22.2 | 4.7 | 1.8 | 1.9 | 0.349 |
43 | Louisiana | 28.7 | 15.0 | 51.6 | 1.9 | 2.8 | 0.352 |
44 | Maine | 69.4 | 28.7 | 1.0 | 0.2 | 0.7 | 0.375 |
45 | Georgia | 21.9 | 15.4 | 57.5 | 1.6 | 3.6 | 0.428 |
46 | South carolina | 24.2 | 13.7 | 58.0 | 0.6 | 3.5 | 0.428 |
47 | D.C. | 5.6 | 36.6 | 46.4 | 2.2 | 9.2 | 0.453 |
48 | Alabama | 22.2 | 13.3 | 61.2 | 0.5 | 2.8 | 0.465 |
49 | Alaska | 13.9 | 66.4 | 3.1 | 0.0 | 16.6 | 0.544 |
50 | Mississippi | 17.0 | 9.6 | 71.8 | 0.3 | 1.3 | 0.588 |
51 | Hawaii | 22.7 | 9.4 | 2.6 | 1.3 | 64.0 | 0.637 |
Instead of the current order, a state like Illinois or New Jersey should come first according to our calculations. That could be a tough sell, of course, considering that a state like New Jersey has often voted at the end of the primary process and underdog candidates would prefer not to run ads in the US expensive media markets from Chicago, New York and Philadelphia.
As another option, Democrats have flown Nevada move up, who took fifth place in our similarity calculation and a Prefix state since 2008. The Nevada Democrats, who are in full control of the state government, are straight Examination of the legislation on the establishment of a state primary school to try and jump off New Hampshire, but it’s unclear whether such legislation, which previously failed in Nevada, will be passed. (South Carolina is another leading alternative among democrats, as it is also a preferred state and one of the few states in the democratic area code with a predominantly black area code. It has also proven itself decisive for Biden’s nomination Some Democrats even like the idea of promoting Pennsylvania, a central swing state that, in our analysis, was just behind Nevada. However, in earlier years Pennsylvania Leader were reluctant set an earlier date for the state’s consolidated elementary school, which will hold the presidential and other office primaries on the same day.
Pennsylvania’s logistical concerns underscore one of the fundamental challenges in the detachment of Iowa and New Hampshire: it requires collaboration between national parties, state parties and, in the case of state primaries, state governments not an easy task because these actors often have conflicting goals.
Although the Democratic National Committee may attempt to encourage states to schedule their competitions in specific calendar windows using different carrots and whips to distribute Delegate bonuses or penalties – You can not Makes States to cooperate. And Iowa and New Hampshire have no interest in giving up their precious calendar properties, which, in addition to their oversized political clout, is Worth millions of dollars to the local economy of each state.
Take New Hampshire wherever State law there Secretary of State Bill Gardner’s unilateral power to postpone the primary date as necessary to protect the state’s distinction from hosting the cycle’s first presidential primary. That was probably the case Gardner’s raison d’etre during his more than four decades in office, as he has gone pretty far to keep New Hampshire first. For example, several states moved their main dates up ahead of the 2012 GOP presidential code, prompting Gardner to do so threaten that he would plan the competition in New Hampshire in December 2011 if he had to. And at a time when there is little bipartisanism on most issues, New Hampshire’s privileged place remains unites democratic and republican leaders in the granite stateSo if Nevada switches to elementary school and tries to schedule it before New Hampshire elementary school, Gardner just picks an even earlier date.
Democratic efforts to shake up the main calendar would probably be more workable If Republicans were on board, but there is little evidence of it. Republican party chairs from Iowa, New Hampshire, South Carolina, and Nevada join together for their “carve out“Spots at the top of the line and potential Republican presidential candidates by 2024 don’t expect radical changes like they are I am already visiting Iowa and New Hampshire.
Part of the reason the GOP’s apparent lack of interest in changing the schedule could be that it has fewer concerns than the Democrats that these two states are representative: Using the 2016 CCES data, we found Iowa to be the sixth largest representative State for Republicans is based on educational attainment and “born again” religious identification – although New Hampshire also ranks in the bottom half of all states.
Democrats could still try to get down Iowa’s gatherings after the 2020 chaotic eventand some Iowa Democrats have confirmed They have to fight to keep their place. But because the GOP isn’t trying to oust Iowa, wholesale attempts are changing many democrats want a bridge can be too far.
Now moving Iowa’s congregations would not be as complicated as moving the New Hampshire elementary school, as it is a party-run event that the state government is not involved in. But even if the DNC severely punishes Iowa and New Hampshire for being first by reducing or even eliminating their delegates, there is still a risk that Republicans will still come first in those states. This could lead the Democrats in these states to hold their competitions at the same time as the Republicans in the hopes that the inevitable heavy media coverage of the races will maintain its influence over the entire nomination race.
At this early point in time, we can’t say what the primary timetable will be in 2024, or whether the Democrats will have a competitive race at all. (Biden said he intended to seek re-electionbut he will be 81 years old in 2024.) But we can say at this point that making major changes to the nomination calendar has never been easy – if it had been, things would have already changed. And attempts to remove the two states that have long had a stranglehold on the top tier could prove particularly messy.